Skip to main content

"Choose Life" license plates and the First Amendment

Like many states, North Carolina allows different groups to promote their view of the world by developing their own specialty license plate, thereby getting their message out and, through specialty plate fees, raising money for a favored charity. We have this program in Pennsylvania, where one sees many university-themed plates (Edinboro alumni, for example). In North Carolina, approximately 150 specialty plates have been authorized.

North Carolina legislators wanted to allow pro-life groups to use the specialty plate program to 'promote life'-- but not allow pro-choice groups the opportunity to promote their views. In opening up the specialty license plate program to pro-life groups, the North Carolina government explicitly banned pro-choice plates or the use of specialty plate fees for any pro-choice organization or activity.

For this reason, federal District Court judge James C. Fox placed a permanent injunction on the "Choose Life" plate program.

The First Amendment issues here are interesting. Like many free speech cases, this one comes down to how one frames the government's behavior.

The ACLU, and the ruling judge, framed the case as North Carolina promoting the speech of pro-life citizens while suppressing the speech of pro-choice citizens.  The problem in this case is not that North Carolina allowed for a "Choose Life" license plate, per se. Instead, problem was that people who were pro-choice were explicitly prohibited from creating their own speciality license plate. The state, then, allowed some people with a particular viewpoint to use the public medium of the license plate to express their political views while denying others the opportunity to do the same.

One could analogize this to having a publicly-owned concert space and allowing some acts to perform while banning others (like Marilyn Manson or Lady Gaga)  because they are 'inappropriate.' Courts clearly do not allow governments to selectively approve use of a public space based on the views of the potential speakers.

When the government opens up space that it controls to citizen speech, wild things can happen-- fringe viewpoints can be expressed, and people can be deeply irritated or offended by the views of others. But this is what happens in a democratic and free society, and, as responsible and critical self-governing adults, we are expected to take the good with the bad-- in fact, determine for ourselves what is good and what is bad, without government interference. In creating a specialty license plate program, so that private groups could express their personal views on their license plates and raise money for private charities, North Carolina must allow everyone an equal opportunity to use the medium. If North Carolina does not want pro-choice specialty license plates, it should not have authorized pro-life license plates.

Now, the alternative framing of the issue is that the "Choose Life" license plate program is the government of the State of North Carolina speaking for itself. Governments are allowed to promote their own viewpoint as a reflection of the views of the (majority of the) population. So North Carolina, qua North Carolina, can divert money to pregnancy care centers, and abstinence-only sex education programs, and say loud and clear that the official state position is that life begins at conception and that abortion is morally wrong-- so long as it does not prevent women from exercising their 14th Amendment right to terminate a pregnancy.

North Carolina asserted that the license plate program is not a form of "private" speech but rather government speech in the guise of a license plate program. When the government speaks for itself, it is not required to give equal time to alternative viewpoints.

The court rejected this position because of the overall structure of the current license plate program. The program does not exist solely or primarily to promote the state's view of life issues. Instead, it is a program designed to allow for a range of views on many issues, political and non-political, on a special kind of public bulletin board-- the automobile license plate. It is, in other words, a forum for private speech, not a program that exists solely to promote the singular view of North Carolina. Therefore, while the North Carolina government has a clear viewpoint on abortion, it is using its power to selectively grant access to a public forum for citizen speech to promote its views-- and that is impermissible.

While the court decision may be an irritant to pro-life advocates, it does not mean that the government of North Carolina has to get out of the business of promoting pro-life views. It just has to structure its efforts differently.

Links:

United States District Court opinion (December 7, 2012): American Civil Liberties Union v. Conti, No. 5:11-CV-470-F (E.D.N.C. 2012)

Article in USA Today (December 10, 2012): U.S. judge bans N.C. 'Choose Life' license plate

Article in LifeSiteNews.com (December 10, 2012): Judge: NC Choose Life Plates Invalid Because No Pro-Abortion Version

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Medically necessary abortions: The battle of the experts

Apparently, Representative Joe Walsh is not entirely alone! The assertion that an abortion is never medically necessary has been floating around in the pro-life universe for at least a little while. We are now witnessing a battle of the experts. One the one side is Joe Walsh and friends. Walsh himself released a pdf document with quotations from several doctors-- including some historically prominent pro-choice doctors, like Alan Guttmacher-- making the 'never medically necessary' claim seem quite reasonable. Also on Walsh's side are several doctors  who particpated in a recent "International Symposium on Maternal Health" in Dublin. Ireland, despite a European Court of Human Rights ruling in 1992 , has a total ban on abortion. Irish pro-lifers want the country's politicians to resist pressure to implement even a life exception, so the question of medical necessity is directly relevant there. The "Dublin Declaration," released after the S

A Catholic EU health commissioner

The European Union Parliament approved a controversial choice for their top health official: The European Parliament backed a devout Catholic as EU health commissioner on Wednesday, brushing off critics who fear the Maltese politician could row back on EU policies on stem cell research, abortion and gay rights. Greens, Liberals and Socialists in the European Parliament had said they would vote against Tonio Borg, a former foreign and justice minister in Malta, saying his beliefs could influence EU policy. As commissioner, Borg's remit would include access to healthcare and contraception and the control of sexually transmitted diseases. Borg, who was in Malta on the day of the vote according to an EU Commission official, told EU lawmakers before the vote that his personal views wou

How exceptions to abortion bans work in practice

The much awaited report of the Irish government "Expert Group"recommending how to implement exceptions to Ireland's abortion ban was issued this week. I have yet to read it, but when I do, I'll provide an analysis. In the meantime, one of the attorneys who participated in the famous "A, B and C" case has written an interesting essay about legal exceptions to abortion bans. In A, B and C v. Ireland (2010)  the European Court of Human Rights, consistent with the Supreme Court of Ireland, demanded that Ireland adopt at least a life-saving exception to its total legal ban on abortion-- which the Irish government has not done. In the wake of the death of Dr. Savita Halappanaver and resulting public pressure, the Irish government has finally produced a set of recommended legal and medical guidelines for doctors for implementing a "life" exception. The attorney and author of the Slate article, Julie F. Kay, expresses skepticism that a narrow life